Ex- VP Dick Cheney: An Examination on His Powerful Government Service

The deceased US VP Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was considered among the most influential incumbents of that position in the nation's history. Although numerous second-in-commands had to settle for minor or figurehead functions, Cheney held substantial sway during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently called as the "real president".

Bush resented that description and claimed the relationship was more complex. He observed that Cheney was courteous, always referring to him in official appearances as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were peers. Despite such protestations, Cheney found the laidback president accommodating on a broad range of governmental choices.

The Aftermath of 9/11

Leading of a group of neo-conservatives that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the shooting down of any non-communicating airplanes approaching the Capitol building.

Cheney said the attacks changed him, causing him to be determined on retaliation. Together with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.

Disputed Decisions

He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis died, nor about the enhanced interrogation of suspects captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on misleading intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It represented the correct action to do at that time. I believed it then and I believe it today."

Yet during that period, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the post. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, inaction, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, deception, unfitness, and graft."

Wider Perspective

Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had composed a memo outlining situations in which national priorities might be threatened (encompassing "availability of vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be postured to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," explicitly referencing military moves against Iraq.

Bush additionally had entered the White House somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Following he had been sacked by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.

Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a scheme to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his parent's countenance that everyone had to step on.

Investigation Approaches

Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vehement advocating striking Iraq, frequently referencing intelligence reports that were either thin or completely deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush administration politely called as "advanced techniques", the use of interrogation method and physical pressure.

Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that concluded that no valuable data had resulted from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the report as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and create programmes to apprehend the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of credit."

Public Persona

Cheney took pleasure in labels given to him by critics such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the evil genius in the shadows that nobody ever sees leave his domain? That is a advantageous way to work, truthfully."

Commercial Ties

Controversy over his corporate affiliations followed him through his period as vice-president. Although he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and CEO.

In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US agreements worth substantial sums.

It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his period at the company rose from his quarter-million dollars when he was military head to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a package valued at more than $20m|twenty